Law & Society

WASHINGTON -- It's hard not to be dazzled by Barack Obama. At the 2004 Democratic convention, he visited with Newsweek reporters and editors, including me. I came away deeply impressed by his intelligence, his forceful language and his apparent willingness to take positions that seemed to rise above narrow partisanship. Obama has become the Democratic presidential front-runner, precisely because countless millions have formed a similar opinion. It is, I now think, mistaken.

As a journalist, I harbor serious doubt about each of the likely nominees. But with Sens. Hillary Clinton and John McCain, I feel that I'm dealing with known quantities. They've been in the public arena for years; their views, values and temperaments have received enormous scrutiny. By contrast, newcomer Obama is largely a stage presence defined mostly by his powerful rhetoric. The trouble, at least for me, is the huge and deceptive gap between his captivating oratory and his actual views.

The subtext of Obama's campaign is that his own life narrative -- to become the first African-American president, a huge milestone in the nation's journey from slavery -- can serve as a metaphor for other political stalemates. Great impasses can be broken with sufficient good will, intelligence and energy. "It's not about rich versus poor; young versus old; and it is not about black versus white," he says. Along with millions of others, I find this a powerful appeal.

But on inspection, the metaphor is a mirage. Repudiating racism is not a magic cure-all for the nation's ills. It requires independent ideas, and Obama has few. If you examine his agenda, it is completely ordinary, highly partisan, not candid and mostly unresponsive to many pressing national problems.

By Obama's own moral standards, Obama fails. Americans "are tired of hearing promises made and 10-point plans proposed in the heat of a campaign only to have nothing change," he recently said. Shortly thereafter, he outlined an economic plan of at least 12 points that, among other things, would:

-- Provide a $1,000 tax cut for most two-earner families ($500 for singles).

-- Create a $4,000 refundable tuition tax credit for every year of college.

-- Expand the child care tax credit for people earning less than $50,000 and "double spending on quality after-school programs."

-- Enact an "energy plan" that would invest $150 billion in 10 years to create a "green energy sector."

Whatever one thinks of these ideas, they're standard goodie-bag politics: something for everyone. They're so similar to many Clinton proposals that her campaign put out a news release accusing him of plagiarizing. With existing budget deficits and the costs of Obama's "universal health plan," the odds of enacting his full package are slim.

A favorite Obama line is that he will tell "the American people not just what they want to hear, but what we need to know." Well, he hasn't so far.

Consider the retiring baby boomers. A truth-telling Obama might say: "Spending for retirees -- mainly Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid -- is already nearly half the federal budget. Unless we curb these rising costs, we will crush our children with higher taxes. Reflecting longer life expectancies, we should gradually raise the eligibility ages for these programs and trim benefits for wealthier retirees. Both Democrats and Republicans are to blame for inaction. Waiting longer will only worsen the problem."

Instead, Obama pledges not to raise the retirement age and to "protect Social Security benefits for current and future beneficiaries." This isn't "change"; it's sanctification of the status quo. He would also exempt all retirees making less than $50,000 annually from income tax. By his math, that would provide average tax relief of $1,400 to 7 million retirees -- shifting more of the tax burden onto younger workers. Obama's main proposal for Social Security is to raise the payroll tax beyond the present $102,000 ceiling.

Political candidates routinely indulge in exaggeration, pandering, inconsistency and self-serving obscurity. Clinton and McCain do. The reason for holding Obama to a higher standard is that it's his standard and also his campaign's central theme. He has run on the vague promise of "change," but on issue after issue -- immigration, the economy, global warming -- he has offered boilerplate policies that evade the underlying causes of the stalemates. These issues remain contentious because they involve real conflicts or differences of opinion.

The contrast between his broad rhetoric and his narrow agenda is stark, and yet the press corps -- preoccupied with the political "horse race" -- has treated his invocation of "change" as a serious idea rather than a shallow campaign slogan. He seems to have hypnotized much of the media and the public with his eloquence and the symbolism of his life story. The result is a mass delusion that Obama is forthrightly engaging the nation's major problems when, so far, he isn't.

If you're alike cerebration about active for political office, you've apparently already heard of political activity committees (PACs). PACs are groups organized to abutment political candidates by authoritative contributions to their campaigns. These PACs accession money from their associates for the specific purpose of accepting bodies adopted who accede with them on one or several specific issues. So, how do you get your allotment of the political money from PACs? Well, I'm activity to accord you bristles tips to ensure that you accept the best cardinal of contributions from PACs in the beeline bulk of time. 1.Complete every questionnaire. Once you advertise your campaign, you will activate accepting questionnaires from PACs. Quickly analyze PACs that are in band with your platform, complete their questionnaire, and mail it back. Time is of the aspect because abounding PACs accept deadlines for cancellation of their questionnaire. Be abiding to complete your own PAC analysis so as not to await alone on accepting the surveys in the mail. You can acquisition a complete account of PACs at my blog. If you ascertain a PAC that shares your belvedere but you accept not accustomed a analysis from them, alarm and appeal the survey. 2.Don't try to be aggregate to everybody. If you're not pro-guns, don't complete the analysis you accept from the National Rifle Association. You're alone crumbling your time, or alike worse, compromising your values. Don't change who you are or what your attack is about in adjustment to get a fat analysis from a PAC. It will alone aching you after in your attack back your adversary discovers you've flip-flopped on an important attack issue. 3.Prepare for the interview. Most PACs will crave an account for campaigns area there is added than one applicant aggressive for the affair nomination. Before the interview, you should be able-bodied abreast on ALL action positions of the PAC. You can usually acquisition this advice on the PAC website. The console accumulated by the PAC to account you will usually ask you questions apropos contempo and awaiting legislation, hot button issues, and your angle on a array of subjects. You'll charge to accomplish assertive that you are bright on position. 4.Publicize your endorsement. Once you accept your endorsement (and contribution) from a PAC, accommodate the PAC logo on all your attack actual and add it to your website. It lets supporters of the PAC apperceive that you accept accustomed the allowance of approval. 5.Request the PAC accelerate out a mailer on your behalf. Abounding PACs accelerate out a alternate newsletter. If they accommodate you as one of their accustomed candidates on their newsletter, it increases your profile. So ask the the PAC if they will accommodate your applicant and acquaintance advice in their accessible newsletter.

The South African Military Health Services is providing medical care, cleaning and preparing meals at 33 strike-hit hospitals in the country.

Spokesman Colonel Louis Kirsten yesterday said that military doctors, nurses and emergency medics were deployed everywhere, except in the Northern Cape and Western Cape.

They were sent at the request of the national health department, which identified hospitals where their services were needed.

The military medical teams are working in Gauteng's Natalspruit, Chris Hani Baragwanath, Helen Joseph, Kalafong, George Mukhari, Steve Biko, Tshwane District and Mamelodi hospitals.

In North West, they are at Brits, Bophelong and Rustenburg hospitals. In KwaZulu-Natal, they are stationed at King Edward VIII, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial, Chief Albert Luthuli, Prince Mshiyeni and Stanger hospitals.

Limpopo's Van Velden, Polokwane, Lebowakgomo, St Rita's and Maphutha-Malatji hospitals are also being staffed by army medics.

So are Mpumalanga's Witbank, Tonga, KwaMhlanga, Mapulaneng, Rob Fereira, Ermelo and Themba hospitals.

In the Free State, the teams have dispatched to Bongane, Katlego and Pelonomi hospitals

The BBC programme "Cage of Dreams" screened on Special Assignment on Tuesday 22 May illustrates the extent to which violence has become an institutional culture within prisons. The prison authorities have done little more than contain the levels of violence. More creative measures need to be introduced.

Department of Correctional Services statistics indicate that 2980 assaults on prisoners, by prisoners and by warders, were recorded during 2000. This figure probably under-represents the number of actual assaults. "We know the figures are higher than this", says Gideon Morris of the Independent Judicial Inspectorate for Correctional Services. In just six months of 2000, 2530 complaints of assaults on prisoners, in respect of only three provinces, were reported to the Independent Prison Visitors. The true extent of assaults, rape and sexual assault is unknown, but reports by prisoners indicate that assaults are endemic in prisons. There were 73 deaths by unnatural causes recorded last year, of which perhaps a third were the result of assaults on prisoners.

The Department of Correctional Services is mandated to maintain safety and security in prisons, which means not only preventing escapes from prison, but also protecting the individuals within its high walls. While there have been substantial improvements in respect of preventing escapes, the same cannot be said of maintaining security within the prison. Security has mainly focused on containment, intervention when a crisis emerges, and attempts to prevent prisoners from keeping and using weapons. However, given that prisons are overcrowded and increasingly understaffed, the Correctional Services is clearly unable to prevent violence through this approach alone. As many as 70 inmates are housed within one cell, and the movement of prisoners between cells and betweens sections cannot be adequately monitored. And once prisoners are locked up at 3 o' clock in the afternoon, there is virtually no monitoring of activities in the cells. A range of abuses, and violent incidents take place behind these closed doors, and the consequences may only be realised once prisoners are unlocked from their cells in the morning.

Prison gangs are the primary vectors through which much of the violence is perpetrated. Gangs fill the security gaps provided by the correctional services, and through hierarchical and often violent gang structures they govern the prison.

The overt culture of gang violence creates a sense of prevailing physical insecurity. Prisoners join gangs in order to buy their own security in prison, and they may have to engage in violent acts to remain part of the gangs, and rise within the ranks. More importantly, the gangs provide a 'home' for prisoners where their need for belonging, physical security, and status can be fulfilled.

Instead of providing a safe environment in which prisoners may engage in developmental activities in preparation for release from prison, the prisoner must often adapt by immersing himself in the violent culture. The prisoner inevitably carries these lessons with him when he leaves prison, and is likely to resort to violence to resolve problems in the street as well. This is why it is important to try preventing these habits from forming in prison.

There are a number of ways to intervene in violence in prisons. By increasing staff numbers, providing specialist training on how to prevent and deal with violent incidents, and by managing conflict through greater awareness of when a crisis is likely to emerge, and developing the ability to intervene before a problem arises. Those prisoners who engage in violent acts should also be prosecuted and punished, although inevitably further imprisonment sentences fail to serve as a deterrent to hardened offenders.

However, these measures serve only to contain the violence; they are ineffective in dealing with the causes of violence because they fail to address why individuals resort to violence in their lives. Many people come to prison after a long history of involvement with violence, both as perpetrators, and often as victims. These are people who have learned to use violence as a solution to their problems, and as an expression of their frustration and anger. Many have never explored the option of living by any other means.

The programme run by the Centre for Conflict Resolution illustrates that violent men can change their attitudes, and perhaps their behaviour through a self-reflective process aimed at transforming the individual's understanding of themselves and why they engage in violence. The Area Manager of Pollsmoor prison courageously risked a venture of this sort that has so far proven effective. This risk was mirrored by the gang members in the prison who not only exposed their own vulnerabilities in the programme, but also exposed themselves to possible rejection by their own community. By engaging with the programme, the gangsters demonstrated their commitment to non-violence. Through them, other prisoners could realise the futility of violence in prison, and begin to operate is less violent ways. The control over the nature and extent of violence in this way can in this way be shifted from the prison authorities to the prisoners themselves. Gangs and other forms of violence have been significantly reduced since the advent of the intervention programme. If sustained, this intervention also has the potential to change the trajectory of prisoner's lives. They may choose to follow a life without crime when they leave prison.

More programmes of this nature need to be available in prisons throughout the country. Of course, these programmes need to be holistic and sustained over the long term. It is impossible, and not necessarily appropriate for the prisons to do this alone. This is where the services of NGOs and other members of civil society should be brought in to assist, and hopefully introduce aspects of healing into the abnormal prison environment. By bringing members of the community into prison, they may also break on the institutional culture. They have the skills and knowledge to assist prisoners in making this change.

Not all prisoners will be released from prison, but most will be. Even those who are there for very short times will be caught up in the violent culture. It is a wise policy that encourages a positive change in prisoners before they are released back onto the community.

The recent dog unit incident highlighted a number of problems confronting police transformation. While much of the attention was on the serious issue of racism in the police, some of the other broad challenges confronting the transformation of the SAPS also emerged in the scandal. Gareth Newham argues that to really tackle these problems, at the very minimum an effective internal disciplinary system needs to be in place.

Barely a week goes by without the appearance of a number of media stories reporting on alleged incidents of police criminality or misconduct. Whether detailing police involvement in serious crime, apathetic behaviour from a detective investigating a case, or rudeness from a constable in the client service center, the problem seems endless. When an incident such as the racist brutality perpetuated by the Dog Unit comes to light on public television, there is much public outrage and the temptation is for the police leadership to label it as an isolated incident involving a particular unit. However, when a further 22 cases of similar brutality are opened from around the country within the week following the incident, it is clear that there is a deeper problem confronting police transformation in South Africa.

Considering that the first attempts at transforming and improving the professionalism of the SAPS started almost a decade ago, one cannot but feel a sense of desperation over the apparent lack of success. When one examines the transformation process so far however, a number of shortcomings become painfully obvious. The initial attempts at police reform starting in 1991 could only ever have a limited impact given the fact that it was to be driven by a discredited police leadership before South Africa's democracy had been established. Transformation from 1994 onwards had more legitimacy but tended to focus predominantly on the structure of the police. This included amalgamating the old SAP and ten 'homeland' police into one national police service, changing the ranking structure, and restructuring the various operational and support units within the SAPS. The country's high crime rate diverted attention from the more difficult processes of police attitude and value change. Fighting crime became top priority so that putting in place deliberate programmes to tackle racism or police characteristics that support brutality and corruption were not prioritised. South African citizens were generally unconcerned about police brutality and corruption as long as it was directed against criminals and immigrants. As a result the laudable police Human Rights training nitiative is generally seen as having had little impact and presently has minimal status within the SAPS.

In the past year however, the Minister of Safety and Security and the National Commissioner of the SAPS have been making public statements about rooting out corruption and restoring discipline at station level. Such statements indicate a growing recognition that the effectiveness of the police service in combating crime is being seriously undermined by these problems. The statistics on misconduct and criminality are alarming particularly as it is generally accepted amongst criminologists that most acts of police corruption and misconduct go unreported.

Figures presented in parliament during 1998 revealed that the SAPS had themselves received 17 526 official complaints of misconduct against their members. A steady increase from the 11 651 complaints lodged with the police during 1995. However, during a report to parliament delivered in March of 1999, Advocate Neville Melville, the then Executive Director of the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD), pitched the actual number of allegations of police misconduct in the region of "30 000 per annum."

What is apparent is that documented complaints of police misconduct and criminality have been steadily increasing over the past few years. By the end of January 1999 the ICD could report a 37% increase in total complaints against the police from the previous year. From the numbers of cases received by the ICD during the six-month period from April to September of 1999, the increase is showing no signs of abating. Similarly, the SAPS National Anti-Corruption Unit (ACU), an elite unit that only deals with criminal cases involving police corruption, have released statistics showing a similar trend. Whereas the ACU received information implicating 2 197 police members in corruption for 1996, this figure had increase to 4 374 for 1999. In total 13 293 members were implicated in acts of corruption in the four year period 1996 to 1999. However due to capacity constraints of the ACU only 1 993 of these members were charged and are awaiting trial.

However, the heads of both the ICD and the ACU caution that these statistical increases do not necessarily mean that actual misconduct and criminality within the SAPS is on the rise. It could be that, as more people becoming more familiar with these structures, they are more likely to report incidents and thus reporting figures have risen. Nevertheless it is fair to say that such incidents are high enough to present a major obstacle to any policing priorities and objectives as stated by senior police management. Separate figures released by the SAPS in 2000 revealed that over 14 600 police members were facing criminal charges and that over R40 million was paid out in civil claims against the police during the 1999/2000 financial year.

There is no doubt that the obstacles facing the police are many, but professionalism and discipline are key to effective transformation and crime fighting. International studies on public security reform in newly democratised states emphasises the need for the establishment of well functioning internal controls. This is seen as particularly important where a large number of personnel are retained from the former police. Firstly, it is critical that clear standards are established against which police behaviour can be assessed. Secondly, those that are not acting in a professional manner must be identified and subject to a combination of'progressive' or 'negative' discipline. The former type focusing on providing clear guidance and support so as to allow a police members to correct behaviour in terms with the new standards. The latter type focusing on efficiently and effectively removing problematic police members who are unable or unwilling to adhere to the new demands.

The arguments for prioritizing internal system of control in police services are convincing. It sends out a strong message within the police that professionalism is valued and that unacceptable behaviour will not be tolerated. This can help build the moral of hard working police members as they see action taken against their problematic colleagues who are undermining the entire profession with their actions. A disciplinary system can also help build public trust in the police because ordinary citizens see action being taken when they have legitimate complaints against errant police members. Internal disciplinary systems can also help prevent high levels of police criminality and corruption. Experts on police corruption generally agree that police members become corrupt through a process of personal decision-making and justification. As some cops get away with petty misconduct they start to engage in more risky activities such as petty bribery and theft from crime scenes. The longer they get away with it, the more endemic and widespread this problem becomes as other police members start to see that they can supplement their salaries by abusing their powers with little risk of being caught. The quicker that action is taken against such activities the less it spreads. An effective internal disciplinary system will take place at station level and act as a deterrent to those members who may consider abusing their powers. By the time the ICD or the ACU are involved, it is too late.

If the Minister of Safety and Security and the National Commissioner are serious about providing a professional policing service to all South Africans, confronting ill-discipline, brutality and corruption must take priority. There are moves within the police to try and address these problems. A 'SAPS Integrity Framework" has been drafted at national level and major changes to the disciplinary system are to be introduced during 2001. However, these initiatives in themselves will be insufficient if they are not accepted as priorities for police transformation and driven from the top. The 'Integrity Framework' was developed almost a year ago and has yet to be translated into concrete action steps. The final amendments to the disciplinary system have taken approximately two years to be agreed upon in the Safety and Security Sectoral bargaining Council. It is anyone's guess how long the implementation of these two initiatives will take. In the meantime the public can expect other than ad hoc measures to address the problem. If our leaders in the police are serious about transforming the SAPS, they will place their full weight behind these initiatives to ensure that they are implemented. Furthermore, systems for receiving and processing complaints against police members should be improved and commanders should be given the authority and be held accountable for ensuring that no police members under their command are doing anything to undermine the delivery of a professional police service to the public.

Last week Solomon Mhlongo was sentenced to an effective 23 years in prison for the murder of his common-law wife Elizabeth and five-year old daughter Tlaleng. Two years earlier he emptied a magazine of bullets into Elizabeth and Tlaleng, stopped to reload and then continued firing until the gun jammed. Elizabeth was left sprawled at the side of the bed, her chest, head, thigh and hand peppered with bullets, while her daughter lay slumped sideways in a blood-spattered chair. Only a week before Mhlongo was sentenced, a similar drama was played out in Port Elizabeth when SAPS Inspector Jeffery Sampson shot and killed his wife, mistress, four-year old son and three-year old daughter before turning the gun on himself.

Guns are a major threat to the health and lives of women and men.

The gun lobby has largely placed the blame for these injuries on illegal weapons. They propose eradicating the illegal gun trade while permitting responsible citizens to arm themselves for purposes of self-defence. Gun-related violence is perpetrated by those in possession of stolen weapons and we support all attempts to clamp down on the illegal firearms trade. But to allow more 'responsible' citizens to own guns is sheer folly and conveniently ignores the gun-related violence committed by registered, 'law-abiding' gun owners - much of it within the context of familial and sexual relationships. Both Sampson and Mhlongo, for instance, were registered gun owners.

The extent of this violence cannot be under-estimated. Research covering the period 1993/1994 found that at least one woman in Gauteng was killed every six days by her male partner. The study also suggested that women were at greater risk of being killed by their partners and other men known to them than they were likely to be killed by strangers. Strict gun control measures must be put in place, in conjunction with other preventative measures, to reduce these fatalities. Guns require a particular focus for a couple of reasons: they cause the majority of deaths in family killings; are also more effectively lethal and cause more serious injuries than other weapons do.

The Firearms Control Bill provides us with an opportunity to protect family members from gun violence. By making important changes to the current draft, we can ensure that those owning licensed guns are responsible, non-violent persons likely to use their guns for self-defence alone - not the annihilation of their families. While it is proposed that gun licences be renewed, renewals should be more rather than less frequent. Because violence in abusive relationships can escalate quite rapidly, renewals should take place regularly, allowing for a quicker response to the emergence and escalation of domestic violence.

A further loophole in the Bill is the fact that it exempts existing gun owners from requiring competency certificates. Here the Bill is relying exclusively on provisions within the Domestic Violence Act which permit the courts to declare a person unfit to possess a firearm if a final protection order in terms of the Act has been issued. But what of those individuals who have been convicted in terms of other pieces of legislation of offences involving domestic violence? They are left both armed and undetected.

Guns are responsible for a large number of family killings. They must not be made readily available.

Driver distractions can include talking and texting on a cell phone, driver fatigue, eating and drinking while driving, smoking, applying make-up, allowing pets to travel unharnessed and dealing with unruly passengers. Distracted driving is a serious and life-threatening activity, and is a contributing factor in more than one million car crashes in the United States every year that cause injuries and deaths and cost over $40 billion. Distracted driving is the number one killer of American teen-agers.

Multi-Tasking while Driving
Going through a fast food drive-through and eating and drinking while steering with one hand, admonishing unruly children, texting or talking on a cell phone or reading a map may all seem like innocent and common activities in our busy everyday lives, but these distractions are dangerous and increase your chances of having a serious car accident with injuries.

The act of driving a car is a complicated task involving both physical and mental coordination and reflexes, quick appraisal skills and good judgment. Drivers who have to deal with distractions are participating in risky and dangerous behaviors that endanger everyone on the road. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) reports that distracted drivers are just as deadly as those driving under the influence of alcohol and drugs.

Tips for Undistracted Driving
The following tips may help you avoid an accident caused by distracted driving:
• Plan your trip ahead of time
• Stow your electronic devices until you get where you are going
• Prepare your children and pets to travel safely
• Eat and drink before you start out on your trip
• Store loose gear that can shift while you are driving
• Make sure your vehicle is travel- ready
• Focus on your driving for your safety, your passengers safety and the safety of others

I’ve just posted a new article about the history of terrorism to my general tips and suggestions website. This article should be beneficial to you if you have an interest in history in general, and specifically the history of how man afflicts pain and death on others of his species over the years… This will help give you some perspective on how the people of the middle east have come to be and why they do what they do today…

The history of terrorism is intricately tied to the first political organization in which dominance was established, not by wisdom, knowledge, age, by prowess in the hunt, or some special, spiritual power, but by pure, physical force. The first social terrorist was probably a bully. That worked for a time until men realized the strength of the bully was no match to the strength of a gang.

To read the whole article about the history of terrorism, please visit my general tips and suggestions website… For more great articles on various other subjects that you may be interested in, visit my main site. See you soon!

North central Minnesota tourism will never be the same now that the primaries have already been held there. The movie star quality of both Hilary and Borok drew crowds from far and wide. Many people went from one side of the state to the other just for the chance to see both candidates. You also had “groupie�? candidate followers that would go from one event to the next in the state just to see their person one more time. Obama followers seemed to do that more than the ones for Hilary, but then again he seems to draw a younger crowd and they are generally more mobile and more willing to sleep on a couch somewhere than the older crowd following Hillary is. McCain did not seem to have that same draw. People seemed to come mostly from just the local area to hear his speeches, something that both the republicans and the democrats took note of. Huckabee did have his draw, mostly Christians from all over the state that felt rather left out in the whole process. His draw was young and old and all ages in between, while McCain seemed to draw mostly older voters. Time will tell as to the election results.